A Philosopher's Blog

Facts & Sincerely Held Beliefs

Posted in Business, Ethics, Law, Philosophy, Politics, Religion by Michael LaBossiere on August 1, 2014

The Hobby Lobby decision by the Supreme Court of the United States raised numerous issues including a rather interesting one regarding beliefs and facts. Oversimplifying things for the sake of brevity, the owners of Hobby Lobby claim to be opposed to abortion on religious grounds and they claim to believe that certain forms of birth control involve abortion. As such, they contended that providing insurance to their employees that covered what they regard as abortion would violate their religious beliefs and impose an unreasonable burden on them.

As I tell my students in my ethics class, a moral issue often involves three main components. The first consists of the relevant facts. Put very simply, a factual matter is such that the claim being made is true or false regardless of how we think or feel about its truth.  For example, the mass of an object is a factual matter. Factual matters can become rather complicated by the fact that one might need to sort out the key concepts before determining the truth of a factual claim. As such, it should be no surprise that the second consists of the relevant concepts. Sorting out this aspect of a moral dispute involves arguing in defense of the concepts—that is, presenting and defending definitions of the key terms. In the Hobby Lobby case, one of the key concepts is that of abortion. As noted above, the owners of Hobby Lobby claim that certain birth control methods are actually methods of abortion. This seems to be because the Hobby Lobby owners believe that life begins at conception and they seem to reject the notion that pregnancy begins at implantation.  This is, obviously enough, a rather important matter in regards to these methods being abortion or birth control.

If pregnancy begins at implantation (which is the scientific consensus), then the methods in question (specifically those which prevent implantation) do not involve abortion.  As such, the owners of Hobby Lobby would hold factual incorrect beliefs regarding these methods of birth control and this would undercut their moral position. After all, if those methods are not abortion and their moral opposition is based on a factual error, their moral opposition would thus be unfounded.

However, if pregnancy begins at conception (which is not the scientific consensus), then these methods do involve abortion. In this case, the owners of Hobby Lobby would be factually correct. This still leaves open the question of whether their moral claims are correct or not. After all, a person can be right about the facts but be wrong about the morality, which leads to the third component, that of morality.

Obviously enough, a moral issue has a moral component. In this case, the moral issue is whether or not abortion is morally wrong. The owners of Hobby Lobby claim to believe this—but belief does not entail that a claim is true. After all, people sincerely believe false claims quite often. Fortunately for the owners of Hobby Lobby, they did not have to even argue that their moral beliefs are correct or even plausible—all that was required was establishing that their religious beliefs are sincere—that is, they believe what they claim to believe. Given the context, this is not unreasonable—after all, the issue addressed by the court was not whether abortion is morally wrong or not.

The owners of Hobby Lobby did not even need to argue in defense of their factual claims and their concepts—that is, they did not need to make the case that pregnancy occurs at conception and that the methods in question cause abortions rather than serving as birth control (of the non-abortion sort).   Apparently, they merely needed to establish that they believe what they claim to believe. This raises an interesting general issue that goes beyond the specific Hobby Lobby case: should facts matter when considering cases involving value beliefs (such as religious or moral beliefs)?

On the one hand, it can be argued that the facts should not matter—at least in the sense of requiring that the beliefs in question be proven. This can be based on practicality: religious beliefs would be extremely difficult to prove and this would impose too great a burden on those bringing legal cases involving their values. Also, cases about belief are (as others have argued) not about the truth of the beliefs but about the right to hold said beliefs.

On the other hand, it can be argued that facts do matter—especially when the beliefs have an impact on other people. Returning to the case of Hobby Lobby, the idea is that the owners should not be required to follow the law because they are opposed to abortion and they believe that the birth control methods cause abortions. If it is claimed that it does not matter whether the owners are right or wrong about their factual claims, this establishes the general principle that the truth of the claims does not matter. This raises the question of how far this principle should extend.

In the Hobby Lobby case, to say that the facts are not relevant might not seem so serious. After all, the question of when life begins is one that is disputed and the Hobby Lobby owners could engage in a conceptual dispute over the definition of “abortion” in a plausible way. But, suppose that the principle that the facts do not matter, only the sincerity. This would entail that if the owners of Hobby Lobby claimed that paying women the same as men caused abortions, then all that would matter would be the sincerity of their beliefs. The fact that such a claim would be obviously false and absurd would not matter—after all, once the principle that truth is irrelevant is accepted, then truth is irrelevant. As long as the owners could show they sincerely believed that equal pay for women would cause abortions, then the actual facts would not matter. This certainly seems to set a problematic precedent.

 

 

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2 Responses

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  1. T. J. Babson said, on August 2, 2014 at 11:54 am

    Mike, consider the following fable.

    As science tells us that gun ownership actually reduces crime, Congress passes a law that mandates gun ownership for everyone, and people who do not comply must pay a tax. Furthermore, the law stipulates that all employers must purchase ammunition each month for their employees. However, some employers are uncomfortable that the bullets they purchase might be used to kill someone, and so they object on religious grounds that they should not be compelled to provide the means used to kill another human being.

    Mike, I suspect that in this case you would side with the employer. Or would you?

    • Michael LaBossiere said, on August 4, 2014 at 4:01 pm

      To unpack this a bit, I take it that it is supposed to be assumed that guns reduce crime and hence ownership is a clear benefit to society (presumably outweighing the risks of untrained, inexperienced people being forced to have guns they do not know how to use properly or clean). Okay, I’ll assume that. I’ll also have to assume that this is the only difference between our reality and this fable.

      If the benefit to crime reduction were significant, then I would consider morally favoring the law on utilitarian grounds (taking it to be analogous to requiring people to have motorcycle helmets or insurance). But, I also have a general opposition to the state coercing people even when it is for the general good. But, if a person’s not having a gun meant that other people would be harmed (they would have to pay for that person to be assigned a guard because of the real risk of the person being harmed because he is unarmed), then I would be inclined to favor the law.

      As far as the religious exemption, I would go with my usual principle: if a reasonable argument can be advanced that is well grounded in supported facts for the position, then I would be fine with it. But, I have been asked to assume that guns are more beneficial than harmful-so the facts would be against the employers. After all, I am supposed to assume that guns are good for society and not bad.

      I would, of course, be fine with the employers wishing to be unarmed-provided that the rest of us would not need to pay for the consequences of their failure to arm themselves.


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